April 27th, 2012
Everybody enjoys a feel-good story. And for economists, anyway,the latest data on income inequality in Latin America fits that description very well. After decades in which the income divide in this most divided of regions only seemed to grow wider, the process has abruptly reversed. What’s more, the reasons for the reversal, as explained by Giovanni Cornia of the University of Florence and the United Nations University, suggest that governments in other rapidly developing regions aren’t quite as powerless to lean against the global winds of inequality as the conventional wisdom suggests.
Bitter inequality in Latin America—the legacy of Spanish colonialism, dependence on commodity exports, and bad government from both the left and right—has long been the shame of the region. Brazil, for example, has been dogged by poverty and extremes of income rivaling that of South Africa, the world’s worst offender on this score. Moreover, following the advice Latin America got from international development agencies—the mix of fiscal/monetary prudence, deregulation of markets, and open capital markets known as the Washington Consensus—only seemed to make inequality worse during the 1980s and 1990s.
The standard explanation is that income distribution in Latin America started in a very bad place during colonial rule. And what began as ruthless exploitation by Europeans and then locked in by the elites that succeeded them, has been sustained—even exacerbated—in recent decades by the forces of globalization. But to just about everybody’s surprise, the trend reversed sharply after 2001.
In part, the improvement is simply a product of the dates that bracket the measurement period. Latin America was recovering from the global recession in 2001, and the resulting rise in employment helped to trim back poverty. But only in part: Cornia estimates that just one third of the change can be linked to the reduction in unemployment. And tellingly, the far deeper global recession of 2008-9 did not erode the ground gained after 2001.
So what could account for the good news? In a nutshell: more competent democratic government, combined with a mild tilt toward antipoverty policies favored by the center-left.
First, the competence part. Many Latin governments used the windfall from taxes on commodity exports in the last decade to stabilize their economies, balancing their budgets and keeping inflation under control. This is a very big change from the bad old days, when politicians spent lavishly on their favored constituents during the boom years (often exacerbating inflation) and then had no cash on hand to get through recessions. Chile has even made this countercyclical budgeting process automatic, legally requiring the government to sequester revenues from copper sales in the good years.
Changes in policies toward the poor, though, have also made a big difference. Latin America lurched to the left in the last decade, most visibly in the radical-populist regimes of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in Bolivia. But during these years, center-left governments in Brazil, Chile, and Argentina pursued modest redistributive polices aimed increasing living standards for the very poor. Cornia estimates that spending on antipoverty programs explains one fifth of the reduction in inequality, while increases in the minimum wage (buttressed by increased investments in primary and secondary education) explain another fifth.
Is there a lesson here for developing countries in which income redistribution measures are widely viewed as antithetical to growth? No and yes.
One ironic reason that modest changes in policy had a significant effect in Latin America is that inequality is so pronounced. In Brazil, for example, small cash incentives offered to very poor families to send children to school significantly increased their living standard. China, for its part, must also cope with a divide between rural and urban consumption. However, nothing like that faced by Brazil because the great majority of Chinese villages already have adequate primary education and clean drinking water. And the sums needed to make a material dent in China’s rural poverty—say, by building housing or bringing medical care up to urban standards—would be quite large.
But Latin America’s largely successful foray into social democracy should be a reminder that developing economies need not ignore social justice in the name of economic efficiency—that, if carefully targeted, spending on the poor need not bust budgets or undermine incentives for growth. Hey, there might even be a lesson here for rich countries that can no longer “afford” compassion.
(This post was also published in U.S. News & World Report.)
April 19th, 2012
Can you guess which countries’ citizens have the greatest access to cell phones? It’s an odd list. The United Arab Emirates, Hong Kong, Saudi Arabia, and Italy are near the top—no surprise, since they’re all rich. But middle-income countries Montenegro, Bulgaria, and Brazil are all in the first 20, ahead of the United Kingdom, United States, Belgium, Japan, France, Canada, and South Korea. Meanwhile, some countries with truly anemic living standards—Guatemala, Ukraine, Ecuador—can all boast more than one phone per person.
Here’s what’s happened: The current generation of telecommunications is not only better in various ways than landlines, but considerably cheaper. So many countries in which landlines were beyond the means of the average worker have been blanketed with cell phones in the last decade, thereby leapfrogging the old technology.
Wait, it gets better. Cell phones are what is often called a “disruptive innovation“—one that has implications for productivity that go far beyond the immediate benefits of cheap, reliable communication. Indeed, a new World Bank study of cell phone use in Kenya suggests that the new technology is democratizing financial markets, opening the door to faster, more equitable economic growth.
In 1999, just 3 percent of Kenyans owned a phone of any sort; today, the figure is 93 percent (not a misprint). Phone use is thus ubiquitous in urban areas and commonplace even in remote parts of the country, generating all the obvious benefits. But the study’s authors, researchers at the World Bank’s Kenya office, focus on a benefit that is far from obvious: Just as cell phone technology bypassed landlines, electronic banking facilitated by cell phone technology is bypassing banking that depends on bricks and mortar.
With the help of Britain’s Department for International Development (and tolerance of Kenya’s central bank), Safaricom, Kenya’s biggest mobile telecom company, introduced a form of E-banking in 2007 that allows phone subscribers to send money by instant message. No bank account is required. Users buy E-cash which is stored on their SIM cards from the same variety of small local shops that sell minutes. The folks at the other end of the text message can then redeem the transfer in the form of paper money from their own local Safaricom agents—or transfer it electronically to somebody else.
E-banking took off at light speed: Three out of four Kenyan adults are now registered to transfer money electronically, and one in four says he makes at least one transaction a day by phone. One reason is that Safaricom’s system (called M-PESA) has three competitors, all of whom have had the good sense to allow cheap transfers across systems. Probably the more important explanation—apart from convenience and cost—the World Bank researchers say, is fear of theft of paper money in a country in which traditional bank accounts, credit cards, and paper checking are out of reach for the great majority.
Mobile money does all the good things for productivity you might expect—among them, reducing the amount of working capital that businesses must maintain and providing financial security for households by allowing instant transfers to family members and friends. But the researchers note one major unexpected benefit, too: encouragement of savings. SIM cards can securely store up to 100,000 Kenyan Shillings—roughly $1,200. System users can also link their E-accounts to bank accounts, which offer the potential for earning interest on savings.
The study found that, other things equal, M-PESA account holders saved 12 percent more than Kenyans without accounts. That’s, of course, exceptionally important for the households involved. But it also has macroeconomic implications, increasing the potential for economic growth without reliance on foreign capital.
What works in Kenya ought to work in other developing countries. And apparently, we’ll soon find out. Vodafone, which developed M-PESA, has introduced it in Tanzania, South Africa, and Afghanistan. In Afghanistan, incidentally, it was initially used to pay policemen. One consequence: The government “discovered” that 10 percent of the people on the payroll didn’t exist.
Economists generally assume that the sources of economic growth in developing countries are very different than those in rich countries. In the former, what really matters is the transfer of workers from unproductive to productive activities—typically from farming to manufacturing and services. In the latter, it’s technological change in which workers become more productive without moving or doing something qualitatively different. The dramatic rise of E-money in Kenya suggests that both sources of growth can drive growth in developing countries—good news, indeed.
(This post was also published in U.S. News & World Report.)
April 8th, 2012
Breaking News: Facebook is planning to go toe-to-toe with Google, challenging its supremacy in Internet search. Or maybe not.
Facebook is certainly hinting at a major foray into search, which is enough to keep the media wheels spinning. But the company may have nothing more in mind than some needed tweaks …
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April 4th, 2012
China’s opposition to European Union rules that will require commercial jets flying European routes to pay carbon emission fees is (in the diplomatic language reserved for such matters) unfortunate. Expressing its opposition by threatening to boycott Airbus, the giant European aircraft manufacturer, is much worse—an early sign of the almost inevitable …
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March 29th, 2012
Is this (in the immortal words of James Rado and Gerome Ragni) the dawning of the Age of Aquarius? No, seriously: Are we 21st century humans about to experience an era of unprecedented growth and increase in well-being?
Professor Philip Auerswald of George Mason University makes a convincing case that entrepreneurs will …
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March 20th, 2012
It’s official: The era of salad bar style mobile data plans is almost over. AT&T has joined Verizon and T-Mobile in slowing download speeds for its remaining customers with unlimited data plans, once they reach set (albeit generous) limits. Among the national mobile carriers, only Sprint, which is struggling to compete …
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March 7th, 2012
“Peak oil” is one of those ideas that used to be the province of commodity speculators and zanier environmentalists, but is now entering the mainstream of the energy policy debate. The idea is simple on its face: For one reason or another (which one does it matter), we are approaching a …
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February 28th, 2012
Who says Congress never does anything? In what amounts to the legislative equivalent of a multi-carom trick shot in billiards, the House and Senate have cobbled together a complex deal in which a hefty chunk of airwaves now controlled by television stations will be auctioned off to wireless telecom carriers for …
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February 22nd, 2012
Road warriors arise! You have nothing to lose but the tax deductibility of your frequent flier miles.
Or something like that … When the airlines started doling out benefits linked to miles flown, in the late 1970s, the Internal Revenue Service took its cue from …
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February 14th, 2012
The world is an amazing place. You can sit in a Starbucks in Malibu while I’m sipping tomato soup at a Pret a Manger in London, and we chat for free using Skype or Viber or Rebtel. Or how ‘bout this one: You can pull a smartphone out of your …
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Quick Takes
Viva Shameless Elitism
Economists aren’t taken very seriously these days for a variety of reasons — not least of which is the dumbing down of the profession, a process that has paralleled the general democratization of expertise in the era of 24/7 cable news. If you still want to know what the very best of them think about key issues, though, check out the website of the University of Chicago Booth School’s Initiative on Global Markets. Members of the new IGM Economic Experts Panel (some 40 elite academics with widely varying political views) are in agreement on a surprising variety of technical issues ranging from the impact of higher tax rates on tax revenues to the impact of protectionism on employment.
November 21st, 2011 | What do you think?
Can’t Lick ‘Em? Join ‘Em
The trend toward wireless voice calling at prices more akin to data plan pricing continued this week with the unveiling of AT&T’s Call International App. The free app (which works on most of AT&T’s smartphones) dramatically cuts the cost of voice rates when the phone is connected to a WiFi system in another country. No charity here: AT&T is apparently trying to hang on to traffic that it would otherwise lose to third-party VoIP wireless providers. Which makes a lot of sense to us.
November 9th, 2011 | What do you think?
Texas Weather Report
If you haven’t heard John Nielsen-Gammon, Texas’ official climatologist (and therefore adviser to Rick Perry on the subject of climate change), check out his views. They’re startling only in the sense that they follow directly from the mainstream science — a suspect position these days in the state that oil and myopia built.
October 17th, 2011 | What do you think?
More = Less?
More patents are being granted in more countries than ever before. No shock there. What may surprise, though, is that the average quality of patents (as defined by a plausible index maintained by the OECD) has fallen significantly in the last decade. One possible explanation: more patents are registered for purely strategic purposes, as global businesses (and patent trolls) maneuver for advantage.
September 21st, 2011 | What do you think?
Boeing at the Barricades
Joe Nocera has a startling column in The New York Times condemning the National Labor Relations Board’s decision to label Boeing’s decision to move part of its production capacity to anti-union South Carolina as an unfair labor practice. Coming from almost anybody else, we’d assume there were two sides to this story. But Nocera is a straight shooter – and no enemy of organized labor.
August 24th, 2011 | What do you think?
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